parting company -- Progressives rush to attack populism and defend Zionist
9-11 frame-up and cover-up..
======
Progressives rush to attack populism and defend Zionist version of 9-11
--
Like the Democratic Party, the entire Progressive Movement, from Wilson
and
TR to Chomsky, Nader, and Zepp Weasal and Hank "the Golem." Refusing
admit
the obvious overwhelming the sufficiency of the evidence proving the 9-11
mass-murder frame-up orchestrated by Pentagon Zionists, they demonstrate
priorities as twisted and black as anything in the mind of Wolfowitz,
Rumsfeld, Feith, Kissinger or Perle. And exactly the like Pentagon
Zionists
they use the rationalized and bogus excuse of anti-anti-Semiticism to
excuse their winking and cover of the mass-murderering war-instigators of
Sept. 11.
Progressives are simply more Zionists seeking to murder and enslave and
hiding behind the anti-liberal "progressive" label. They are communist
Jews
working for Jewish supremacism -- disguised as "concern for the workers,
the poor, women and minorities etc."
The people are served by populism alone, and a majority of Jewish
Americans
are necessary for the success of populism, but only after they have
renounced both Zionism and Progressivism which are globalism, finance
capitalism and imperialism in false-humanitarian sheeps clothing.
Progressives refuse to consider that 9-11 was a mass-murder frameup, the
refuse to break with and denounce Zionism -- and they slander populism as
fascist and racist and anti-Semitic.
Have you ever met a Zionist Jew who was not racist and fascist and bent on
making every night a Krystallnacht for Arab Semites. I sure haven't.
Ever see a Zionist opposed to high taxes or NAFTA or the IMF or merchant
banking. Has Chomsky every criticized the Rockefellers or Rothschilds??
Hell, no! (I've researched it.) For Progressives the Rothschilds do not
exist, just as the evidence proving Pentagon Zionist involvement in 9-11
"does not exist" in the writings and thinking of any Progressive.
To oppose "conspiracists" is to aid and abet in the cover-up of
conspiracy,
in the obstruction of 9-11 justice.
My thanks to Hank "the Golem" and Chip Berlet for the following article,
which has made all of the above so obvious to me.
When progressives write off people who believe in a conspiracy and the
populists who want a middle class life and future for everyone -- they
betray themselves as our mortal enemy. And calling me "anti-Semitic"
won't
change that fact.
Dick Eastman
Yakima, Wa****ngton
(populist -- and I guess "skinhead" too, from now on)
cleaver who the "progressives" call populists "skinheads" -- talk about
effective psy-op propaganda! And what do you have left when the skin is
removed? why "skull and bones" of course.
---------------------------------------------
Conspiracism and Right-Wing Populism
by Chip Berlet
Progressive conspiracism is an oxymoron. Rejecting the conspiracist
analytical model is a vital step in challenging both right-wing populism
and fascism. It is im****tant to see anti-elite conspiracism and
scapegoating as not merely destructive of a progressive analysis but also
as specific techniques used by fascist political movements to provide a
radical-sounding left cover for a rightist attack on the status quo. Far
from being an aberration or a mere tactical maneuver by rightists,
pseudo-radicalism is a distinctive, central feature of fascist and
proto-fascist political movements. This is why the early stages of a
potentially-fascist movement are often described as seeming to incor****ate
both leftwing and rightwing ideas.
http://www.g0lem.net/PhpWiki/index.php/CriticismOfConspiracism
Conspiracism and Right-Wing Populism
by Chip Berlet
Conspiracism often accompanies various forms of populism, and (Margaret)
Canovan notes that "the image of a few evil men conspiring in secret
against
the people can certainly be found in the thinking of the U.S. People's
Party, Huey Long, Mc Carthy, and others." Criticism of conspiracism,
however, does not imply that there are not real conspiracies, criminal or
otherwise. There certainly are real conspiracies throughout history. As
Canovan argues:
"[o]ne should bear in mind that not all forms or cases of populism involve
conspiracy theories, and that such
theories are not always false. The railroad kings and Wall Street bankers
hated by the U.S. Populists, the New
Orleans Ring that Huey Long attacked, and the political bosses whom the
Progressives sought to unseat--all these
were indeed small groups of men wielding secret and irresponsible power."
The US political scene is littered with examples of illegal political,
cor****ate, and government conspiracies such as Watergate, the Iran/Contra
scandal, and the systematic looting of the savings and loan industry.
The dilemma for the left is that right-wing populist organizers weave
these
systemic and institutional failures into a conspiracist narrative that
blames "secret elites." In a lengthy article on snowballing conspiracism
in
The New Yorker, Michael Kelly called this "fusion paranoia." With the rise
of "info-tainment" news programs and talk shows, hard right conspiracism,
especially about alleged government misconduct, jumps into the cor****ate
media with increasing regularity. As Kelly observes," It is not remarkable
that accusations of abuse of power should be leveled against
Presidents-particularly in light of Vietnam, Watergate, and Iran-Contra.
But
now, in the age of fusion paranoia, there is no longer any distinction
made
between credible charges and utterly unfounded slanders."
This confusion of left and right populism also occurs in Europe with
magazines such as Lobster in England. The subject is discussed in detail
in
the book Ecofascism: Lessons from the German Experience by Janet Biehl &
Peter Staudenmaier.
The US now ex****ts globalist neocor****atism-a world economy controlled by
cor****ate interests-as the hegemonic model that makes the rich richer and
the poor poorer. However, not all critics of globalist neocor****atism
champion democracy and equality. We must be careful to draw a distinction
between critiques that extend economic and social justice, and those that
claim economic privilege for middle class consumers at the expense of
social
justice. Outsider factions composed of business and financial sectors with
common goals regularly seek to displace the sectors in control of
political
and economic power in the US. A common tactic in this endless power
struggle
is to use populist rhetoric and anti-elite scapegoating to attract
constituencies in the middle class and working class.
Some of the forces in the US that oppose neocor****atist globalism are
outsider factions of business nationalists who favor protectionist trade
policies and oppose international cooperation in foreign policy. In the
past, business nationalism has also been the main sector in the US from
which emerged campaigns promoting union-busting, White supremacist
segregationism, the Red Scares, anti-immigrant xenophobia, and allegations
of Jewish banking conspiracies. When populist consumer groups such as
those
led by Ralph Nader forged uncritical alliances with outsider faction of
business nationalists to rally against GATT and NAFTA, the anti-elite
rhetoric of right wing populism quickly emerged.
Why is this a problem? Because the conspiracist scapegoating typical of
right wing populism masks a history of xenophobia and repressive
authoritarianism on behalf of the majority. Right wing populist movements
in
the US have used scapegoating allegations of wrongdoing to rationalize
White
supremacy, antisemitism, and patriarchal hetero***ism.
The main scapegoats of right wing populism are people of color, especially
Blacks. Attention is diverted from the White supremacist roots by using
coded language to frame the issue in terms of welfare, immigration, tax,
or
education policies. Women, gay men and lesbians, youth, students, and
environmentalists are also frequently scapegoated.
The removal of the obvious anti-communist underpinnings assisted left wing
conspiracists in creating a parody of the fundamentalist/libertarian
conspiracist critiques. Left wing conspiracists strip away the underlying
religious fundamentalism, antisemitism, and economic social Darwinism, and
peddle the repackaged product like carnival s**** oil salesmen to
unsuspecting sectors of the left. Those on the left who only see the
antielitist aspects of right-wing populism and claim they are praiseworthy
are playing with fire. This is a time for progressives to be wary of
attempts by the political right to woo the left. As one anti-racist group
warned:
"Left analysts and activists like Alexander Cockburn who are attracted to
one or another point put forward by
militia-led groups about "freedom," such as the Fully Informed Jury
Association . . .need to be aware of the poison
pill of racism and anti-semitism covered by that sugar coating."
Doug Henwood, editor of Left Business Observer in New York, has commented
on
the resurgence of fascist ideas around the world. Henwood cited Karl
Polanyi's, The Great Transformation, which listed symptoms for a country
infected with fascism, including "the spread of irrationalist
philosophies,
racialist esthetics, anticapitalist demagogy, heterodox currency views,
criticism of the party system, widespread disparagement of the `regime,'
or
whatever was the name given to the existing democratic set-up." Henwood
writes that "the list is a good description of the political scene in much
of the world today-the denunciation of Coca-Cola capitalism by German
skinheads, chanted between attacks on Turks and Mozambicans; the racist
welfare-baiting of our own demagogues; and ubiquitous, vague, and
nihilistic
denunciations of `the system' that offer little hope for transformation."
Radio host David Barsamian who produces the syndicated Alternative Radio
interview series from Boulder, Colorado warns that personalities who harp
on
conspiracies are providing entertaining confusion rather than helping
people
focus clearly on complex issues. He says progressives should not fall for
"left guruism" where sensational anti-government theories are accepted
without any independent critical analysis.
Barsamian feels some on the left have been "mesmerized by the flawless
dramatic presentation" of people such as Daniel Sheehan of the Christic
Institute. This demagoguery distracted attention from the "substance of
the
allegations which don't all check out." This created a climate-even a
demand-for elaborate conspiracy theories to flourish. Barsamian
acknowledges
"we all are longing for simple comforting explanations, but by focusing on
The Secret Team, or the Medellin Cartel, we ignore the institutions that
keep producing the problems."
There are differences between US and European right wing populism. Matthew
N. Lyons says the following:
"Unlike the European countries, capitalism [in the US] did not emerge from
feudal society, but rather was
imposed abruptly through a special kind of mass colonial conquest. .
..primarily the rule of White nationalism,"
"In the US the populist vision of cross-class unity is related to the
dominant US ideology of classlessness,
social mobility, and liberalism in general, but populism tends to break
with
political orthodoxy by circumventing
normal channels and attacking established leader****p groups, at least
rhetorically."
"White nationalism has meant (a) the absence of feudal remnants and the
pervasiveness of liberal capitalist
doctrines and institutions, and (b) a racial caste system that made
working-class Euro-Americans part of a
socially privileged White collective."
Progressive conspiracism is an oxymoron. Rejecting the conspiracist
analytical model is a vital step in challenging both right-wing populism
and
fascism. It is im****tant to see anti-elite conspiracism and scapegoating
as
not merely destructive of a progressive analysis but also as specific
techniques used by fascist political movements to provide a
radical-sounding
left cover for a rightist attack on the status quo. Far from being an
aberration or a mere tactical maneuver by rightists, pseudo-radicalism is
a
distinctive, central feature of fascist and proto-fascist political
movements. This is why the early stages of a potentially-fascist movement
are often described as seeming to incor****ate both leftwing and rightwing
ideas.
In the best of times, conspiracism is a pointless diversion of focus and
waste of energy. Conspiracism promotes scapegoating as a way of thinking;
and since scapegoating in the US is rooted in racism, antisemitism,
ethnocentrism, and xenophobia, conspiracism promotes bigotry. In periods
of
social or economic crisis, populist conspiracism facilitates the spread of
fascist and para-fascist social movements because they too rely on
demagogic
scapegoating and conspiracist theories as an organizing tool.
Radical-sounding conspiracist critiques of the status quo are the wedge
that
fascism uses to penetrate and recruit from the left.
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Other Resources:
Political Research Associates - http://www.publiceye.org/
disinfopedia - http://www.disinfopedia.org/wiki.phtml?title=Chip_Berlet
Conspiracism as a Form of Scapegoating -
http://www.publiceye.org/tooclose/DynamicsTOC.html
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